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Tuesday, November 30, 2021

Opinion: Using Data to Hire High-Impact Faculty - The Scientist

During these days of a hopefully declining pandemic, hiring new faculty has recently begun in earnest for many research universities. Hence, considering the most effective criteria for selecting new faculty is important, with long-term implications. So, what are the best criteria?

In his 2011 book, Thinking, Fast and Slow, Nobel Prize–winning economist and psychologist Daniel Kahneman contends that statistical analysis of data is an equal or even better measure of quality than intuitive judgments based on off-the-cuff interviews. These data can come from applicants’ CVs—for example, college ranking, number of peer-reviewed publications, impact factor of journals, and the h-index of both the candidates and their mentors. They can also come from the job interview, according to Kahneman, who suggests that hiring committees ask candidates a few questions about each of six independent traits deemed to be prerequisites for success, then rank the answers on a scale from, say, 1 (poor) to 5 (excellent). To avoid systematic bias being carried over from one set of answers to another (called the halo effect), recruiters should collect the scores for each trait before moving on to the next trait, Kahneman suggests.

There are also qualitative considerations: the quality of the interview seminar and future research plans, interest in the faculty and their research, technical expertise to fit a presumed need, an engaging personality, and letters of recommendation from well-regarded references. Kahneman acknowledges these, and suggests that employers add up all the scores based on the interview and combine these with collegial discussion and intuition (called “delayed holistic judgment” by Kahneman and his coauthors in the 2021 book Noise). The candidate with both the highest final score and agreed intuition is the one for the job. 

Every seven years, I have spent sabbatical leave at top-ranked US universities: Yale, Caltech, the University of California, Berkeley, and MIT. I have often wondered: What distinguishes faculty at such august institutions from the rest? Do the faculty at top universities have special insight in hiring new faculty that others do not? Or is it that they have the funds to recruit or to raid other universities and companies for proven superstars? The latter clearly helps, but there must be more to the story.

Considering the most effective criteria for selecting new faculty is important, with long-term implications.

Highly ranked universities offer superior infrastructure, including major computers, large and expensive analytical equipment, and specialized core facilities. They also provide an exciting and supportive environment with low teaching loads, quality faculty and students, and frequent visits from renowned scientists. These features attract more-exceptional academics, who garner more funding, supporting the institution’s growth and reputation. When a researcher is hired by a highly ranked department, there is a clear expectation that the new hire will perform well or will not get tenure. Having colleagues who are standouts in their respective fields can be intimidating, but they can provide critical advice, encouragement, and support whereby a rising tide lifts all boats.

A critical and sometimes overlooked issue for prospective faculty is their choice of research focus. Does a faculty candidate swim in the mainstream of their respective discipline or not? Does she select a topic that is challenging or go with a safe bet? Does he work on an easy problem or rather on a problem that is riskier and demands real exploration? I have found that the key difference between faculty at top universities and those at other institutions is not necessarily smarts or intellect, but the courage to work on consequential problems.

To lift a department’s ranking, the faculty need to work on research problems that matter to society. And to embark upon an important line of research, one needs confidence in one’s abilities and to be ready to pivot when things aren’t going as planned. Maybe then, when interviewing a faculty candidate, hiring committees should use Kahneman’s approach and assess traits that concern self-esteem, resilience, and the ability to accept failure. A psychologist could help formulate a few factual questions and a framework for scoring the responses.  

Analyzing these types of data may help identify the best candidate during the faculty interview process: someone with substantial academic, social, and financial support plus a decent helping of confidence. With the Biden administration and bipartisan US Congress’s efforts, substantial research funds are becoming available in the US and will address the financial piece of this puzzle. Additional focus on the selection of important research problems will be needed to improve the quality of the research enterprise, bolster the standing of individual institutions, and allow the US to continue competing internationally in various fields.

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Civil Discourse Workshop – Dec. 4 | Culver City, CA Patch - Patch.com

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November 29, 2021

Are you concerned about the fury and at times vitriol that many Culver City residents have experienced during difficult discussions? Have you been frustrated by "the other side's" unwillingness to listen? Do you believe this is harmful? How we communicate is a major factor in if we are able to communicate. We need meaningful, community-building discussions—during meetings of any group and on a one-to-one basis.

The upcoming Civil Discourse Workshop may be just what Culver City needs. We will not discuss a specific issue. Rather, residents will craft civil discourse guidelines that any group can use when about to discuss a controversial issue.

The Culver City Equity and Human Relations Advisory Committee is hosting a Civil Discourse Workshop, with a facilitator from the Institute for Civility in Government (ICG) who will educate us and assist us as we craft civil discourse guidelines.

Saturday, December 4, 2021

10:00 AM to 12:00 PM: Civil discourse training

12:00 to 1:00 PM: Lunch break

1:00 PM to 3:00 PM: Creation of civil discourse guidelines

Registration

This event is being held virtually via WebEx.

Please register on the City's website tinyurl.com/2p8292fe


Culver City Crossroads is the prime source for news, events, politics, education and culture. they are here to serve the community, create connections, and have fun.

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OPINION: Third act | Opinion | corsicanadailysun.com - Corsicana Daily Sun

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OPINION: Third act | Opinion | corsicanadailysun.com  Corsicana Daily Sun

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Culver City Hosting Virtual Civil Discourse Workshop Saturday - Patch.com

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CULVER CITY, CA — Culver City residents are invited to a virtual workshop Saturday designed to make community conversation about controversial topics a little smoother.

The Civil Discourse Workshop, hosted by the city's Equity and Human Relations Advisory Committee, will be Dec. 4 from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m.

The purpose of the workshop, the city said, is "to help facilitate meaningful and community-building conversations about controversial and potentially divisive matters of importance to the Culver City community."

"In the past, strong opinions about controversial issues have sometimes evolved into anger towards other members of the community," the city said.

More information, including how to register, is on the city's website.

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The Marble Palace Blog: Will Opinion Announcements Fade Away? | National Law Journal - Law.com

Thank you for reading The Marble Palace Blog, which I hope will inform and surprise you about the Supreme Court of the United States. My name is Tony Mauro. I’ve covered the Supreme Court since 1979 and for ALM since 2000. I semiretired in 2019, but I am still fascinated by the high court. I’ll welcome any tips or suggestions for topics to write about. You can reach me at [email protected].


Supreme Court justices have announced their opinions from the bench “since the first decision of the Supreme Court in 1792,” according to Bernard Schwartz, the legendary late Supreme Court scholar.

I wrote a law review article in 2013 about the long history of opinion announcements, and came to the conclusion that “since the court’s founding, justices have treated opinion announcements as an important part of their public roles.” And they are especially meaningful when justices announce their dissents from the bench.

The tradition of opinion announcements fell away from necessity when the pandemic struck last year. The justices worked from home, and the public was not allowed into the court, so an oration from the bench was obsolete. Instead, opinions were posted on the court’s website, without the justices’ traditional oral announcements from the bench.

But the justices returned to the courtroom when the current term began on Oct. 4, and with them came social-distanced lawyers involved in cases, credentialed journalists, law clerks and a few others. So, in theory, the justices could have resumed tradition and taken the bench to announce opinion summaries when their first opinions of the term were ready to be handed down.

That first opinion of the term, Mississippi v. Tennessee, came on Nov. 22, labeled by the court as an “Opinion Issuance Day,” a relatively new category on the court website’s calendar. But alas, the justices did not take the bench, including Chief Justice John Roberts Jr., who authored the opinion. It was posted online at 10 a.m. when Roberts would normally have announced the opinion from the bench.

This new arrangement was quickly noticed.

Nina Totenberg, NPR’s long-standing Supreme Court reporter, expressed concern on Twitter. “Is #SCOTUS abandoning another tradition that harkens back centuries & provides a small amt of transparency? The ct will issue opinions Mon, online, w/o the usual announcement from the bench. That was understandable when they were not sitting, but not now, when they r in person.”

An unnamed Totenberg Twitter follower offered a guess as to why opinion announcements may have shut down: “Kagan wrote a dissent that is on fire & they don’t want her reading from the bench?”

That is an unlikely reason for the court to end opinion announcements, but the comment makes a point. Oral dissents from the bench are a class in themselves, taking place only a handful of times each year, but they are powerful because of their rarity. “Oral dissents identify some of the Supreme Court justices’ most deeply held minority opinions,” according to the comprehensive tally of Supreme Court oral dissents collected in the Law Library Journal. It seems likely that current-era dissenters such as Justices Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor would want vocal dissents to persist.

On the other hand, some justices dislike oral announcements altogether, whether they are spoken by the majority author or the dissenters. Justices are wary of opinion announcements because the public might view them as the feature attraction, not the full opinion. That is why, I’ve been told, that the oral audio of opinion announcements was released to the public on a delayed basis, until the pandemic.

The brevity of the announcements also worries justices because they can be oversimplified or turned into a form of “spin control” by a justice.

In the 1940s, Justice Felix Frankfurter once ad-libbed an opinion announcement and gave different rationales for the opinion, according to Justice William O. Douglas in his memoir. As the session ended, Justice Harlan Fiske Stone said to Frankfurter, “By God Felix, if you had put all the stuff in the opinion, never in my life would I have agreed to it.”

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Lisa Peyton-Caire to be honored with Jeffrey Clay Erlanger Civility in Public Discourse Award - madison365.com

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The award honors Jeffrey Clay Erlanger, who died on June 10, 2007, and spent a significant part of his life committed to public service, focusing on constructive advocacy and civil debate, fairness, openness, and effective representation, according to a press release from the City.

“Lisa Peyton-Caire is a wonderful choice for this award in Jeff’s honor,” said Pam Erlanger, Jeff’s mother, in a statement. “Her advocacy for Black women’s wellness, her efforts to improve the health of black babies, and her leadership both city and statewide are an inspiration. Like Jeff, she strives to bring many people to the table, as she values their experiences and opinions. That effort has been successful in providing women of color a voice when they often have none.  I am sure that Jeff would be pleased with her recognition.”

Peyton-Caire founded The Foundation for Black Women’s Wellness whose mission is to “energize, mobilize and support Black Women to transform their health and their lives through education, advocacy, support, and powerful partnerships.” She is also the founder of Black Women’s Wellness Day, one of the largest health and wellness summits by Black women, for Black women, featuring an energetic and powerful mix of information, inspiration and empowerment.

Peyton-Caire’s service to the community has been extensive. She previously served on the board of Unity Point-Meriter Health, the Center for Resilient Cities, and A Fund for Women. She presently serves on the UW Population Health Institute Advisory Board and on the Governor’s Health Equity Council.

“Jeff Erlanger was dedicated to making Madison a better place for everyone. Each year in his memory we have a chance to honor someone who shares that same dedication,” said Mayor Rhodes-Conway in a statement. “This year, I am so pleased to present the Civility in Public Discourse Award to Lisa Peyton-Caire. Lisa is an inspirational leader who is making our city a better place every day. She has worked tirelessly for Black women’s wellness with joy and purpose, and championed efforts to provide healthy outcomes for African American babies. Her leadership has been recognized nationwide. Madison, and our residents, are so fortunate to have her advocacy in this community.”

Peyton-Caire and the person who nominated her will each be able to designate a non-profit charity to receive $250 as part of the award. The 2021 award will be presented to Peyton-Caire at the Dec. 7 Madison Common Council meeting, which is the closest meeting to Jeffrey Erlanger’s birthday of Nov. 30.

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Opinion: Cannabis stocks could soon get a big legislative jolt - CNBC

A bowl of medicinal marijuana.
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Cannabis investors in the last two weeks have seen a whipsaw that would be in high demand at Six Flags or Hershey Park, but has been painful when investing in an already volatile asset class. 

The excitement around legislative catalysts to re-rate the sector higher has hung over the market for the last fifteen months and provided periods of exhilaration. However, it has also left investors nauseous as follow-through has been hard to come by. As a result, an industry that offers extraordinary growth, while supporting multiple social, lifestyle and ESG trends has felt a bit like a roller coaster. 

At the root of the recent volatility was the excitement created by a Republican-led legislation package that aims to federally legalize cannabis while leaving the states to govern social equity and criminal justice issues.

On Nov. 5, media sources reported that Rep. Nancy Mace, R-S.C. was leading a competing cannabis reform bill called the States Reform Act that would attempt to fast-forward legislation and steal the issue from Chuck Schumer and the Democratic Party. Cannabis stocks then soared. Some were up more than 50% by the morning of Nov.15, when Congresswoman Mace was to later hold her press conference on the proposed legislation.

But most cannabis stocks gave had given up all their gains by Nov. 23, and some tested fresh lows as the trading momentum gave way to potential realism about the near-term prospects of passage.

So while clearly the investment story seeks federal catalysts, the States Reform Act may not be the reform package that next rallies cannabis stocks. The SAFE Banking Act is another legislative initiative that is more near-term and may be much more important for the industry and investors should be paying attention.

The SAFE Banking Act

Over a year after the Democratic Party regained control of the White House and Congress, it has largely underdelivered on its commitments to passing substantial cannabis reforms. Ironically, it was Republican Congresswoman Mace who reignited the prospects of cannabis reform.     

The States Reform Act adopts a common-sense approach that would federally decriminalize cannabis; enable states to regulate their own cannabis markets; allow the federal government to regulate cannabis like the alcohol industry; create a pathway to release or expunge non-violent federal cannabis offenders; ensure veteran access to medical cannabis and apply a workable 3% federal excise tax on cannabis products.

This legislation demonstrates the underlying, and underreported, Republican support for federal cannabis reform. Mace's bill also emerges at an incredibly opportune moment, as the Senate is set to take up the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) this week. While the SAFE Banking Act was included in the House version of the NDAA that passed in October, it remains to be seen whether Senate Democratic leaders will allow SAFE to pass as part of the NDAA in the upcoming conference process. The competing Republican effort from the States Reform Act may finally push Democrats to support SAFE Banking in the NDAA, and SAFE Banking is more important to the industry at this juncture. 

While it is encouraging to see Democrats and Republicans laying the groundwork to pass practical cannabis legislation, the SAFE Banking Act begins the complex process of harmonizing state and federal cannabis laws. SAFE Banking evolves commercial banking and payments access to the industry and will begin the process of capital flow to the industry (to be followed by more formal capital markets and exchange listings victories).  SAFE Banking will remove structural profitability impediments that lie in IRS tax law around federally illegal businesses.  It will also re-rate the industry.

Big stakes for cannabis

The stakes are higher than ever to pass "first win" consequential cannabis reforms, and investors may be big winners along with the industry.

Get ready for a political showdown over cannabis legislation between Democratic leadership in the Senate, moderate Democrats and Republicans in both legislative branches who support SAFE as part of the NDAA and the American public who have reported record levels of support for federal cannabis reform in recent polls.  

This could be one of the last chances this year to give the budding cannabis industry the financial resources to flourish and become a productive member of the wider business community. Passing NDAA and the SAFE Banking Amendment will then give Congressional leaders a springboard to achieve broader legalization reforms in 2022.  As politicians battle it out, investors may be the big winners as both sides may now be pushing each other to the place the market wants to go. 

Tim Seymour is the Portfolio Manager of The Amplify Seymour Cannabis ETF (CNBS), CIO of Seymour Asset Management and a CNBC contributor

Brady Cobb is the Founder and Former CEO of Bluma Wellness /One Plant and Cannabis advocate.

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Opinion | The Case Against Abortion - The New York Times

A striking thing about the American abortion debate is how little abortion itself is actually debated. The sensitivity and intimacy of the issue, the mixed feelings of so many Americans, mean that most politicians and even many pundits really don’t like to talk about it.

The mental habits of polarization, the assumption that the other side is always acting with hidden motives or in bad faith, mean that accusations of hypocrisy or simple evil are more commonplace than direct engagement with the pro-choice or pro-life argument.

And the Supreme Court’s outsize role in abortion policy means that the most politically important arguments are carried on by lawyers arguing constitutional theory, at one remove from the real heart of the debate.

But with the court set this week to hear Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, a direct challenge to Roe v. Wade, it seems worth letting the lawyers handle the meta-arguments and writing about the thing itself. So this essay will offer no political or constitutional analysis. It will simply try to state the pro-life case.

At the core of our legal system, you will find a promise that human beings should be protected from lethal violence. That promise is made in different ways by the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence; it’s there in English common law, the Ten Commandments and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We dispute how the promise should be enforced, what penalties should be involved if it is broken and what crimes might deprive someone of the right to life. But the existence of the basic right, and a fundamental duty not to kill, is pretty close to bedrock.

There is no way to seriously deny that abortion is a form of killing. At a less advanced stage of scientific understanding, it was possible to believe that the embryo or fetus was somehow inert or vegetative until so-called quickening, months into pregnancy. But we now know the embryo is not merely a cell with potential, like a sperm or ovum, or a constituent part of human tissue, like a skin cell. Rather, a distinct human organism comes into existence at conception, and every stage of your biological life, from infancy and childhood to middle age and beyond, is part of a single continuous process that began when you were just a zygote.

We know from embryology, in other words, not Scripture or philosophy, that abortion kills a unique member of the species Homo sapiens, an act that in almost every other context is forbidden by the law.

This means that the affirmative case for abortion rights is inherently exceptionalist, demanding a suspension of a principle that prevails in practically every other case. This does not automatically tell against it; exceptions as well as rules are part of law. But it means that there is a burden of proof on the pro-choice side to explain why in this case taking another human life is acceptable, indeed a protected right itself.

One way to clear this threshold would be to identify some quality that makes the unborn different in kind from other forms of human life — adult, infant, geriatric. You need an argument that acknowledges that the embryo is a distinct human organism but draws a credible distinction between human organisms and human persons, between the unborn lives you’ve excluded from the law’s protection and the rest of the human race.

In this kind of pro-choice argument and theory, personhood is often associated with some property that’s acquired well after conception: cognition, reason, self-awareness, the capacity to survive outside the womb. And a version of this idea, that human life is there in utero but human personhood develops later, fits intuitively with how many people react to a photo of an extremely early embryo (It doesn’t look human, does it?) — though less so to a second-trimester fetus, where the physical resemblance to a newborn is more palpable.

But the problem with this position is that it’s hard to identify exactly what property is supposed to do the work of excluding the unborn from the ranks of humans whom it is wrong to kill. If full personhood is somehow rooted in reasoning capacity or self-consciousness, then all manner of adult human beings lack it or lose it at some point or another in their lives. If the capacity for survival and self-direction is essential, then every infant would lack personhood — to say nothing of the premature babies who are unviable without extreme medical interventions but regarded, rightly, as no less human for all that.

At its most rigorous, the organism-but-not-person argument seeks to identify some stage of neurological development that supposedly marks personhood’s arrival — a transition equivalent in reverse to brain death at the end of life. But even setting aside the practical difficulties involved in identifying this point, we draw a legal line at brain death because it’s understood to be irreversible, the moment at which the human organism’s healthy function can never be restored. This is obviously not the case for an embryo on the cusp of higher brain functioning — and if you knew that a brain-dead but otherwise physically healthy person would spontaneously regain consciousness in two weeks, everyone would understand that the caregivers had an obligation to let those processes play out.

Or almost everyone, I should say. There are true rigorists who follow the logic of fetal nonpersonhood toward repugnant conclusions — for instance, that we ought to permit the euthanizing of severely disabled newborns, as the philosopher Peter Singer has argued. This is why abortion opponents have warned of a slippery slope from abortion to infanticide and involuntary euthanasia; as pure logic, the position that unborn human beings aren’t human persons can really tend that way.

But to their credit, only a small minority of abortion-rights supporters are willing to be so ruthlessly consistent. Instead, most people on the pro-choice side are content to leave their rules of personhood a little hazy, and combine them with the second potent argument for abortion rights: namely, that regardless of the precise moral status of unborn human organisms, they cannot enjoy a legal right to life because that would strip away too many rights from women.

A world without legal abortion, in this view, effectively consigns women to second-class citizenship — their ambitions limited, their privacy compromised, their bodies conscripted, their claims to full equality a lie. These kind of arguments often imply that birth is the most relevant milestone for defining legal personhood — not because of anything that happens to the child but because it’s the moment when its life ceases to impinge so dramatically on its mother.

There is a powerful case for some kind of feminism embedded in these claims. The question is whether that case requires abortion itself.

Certain goods that should be common to men and women cannot be achieved, it’s true, if the law simply declares the sexes equal without giving weight to the disproportionate burdens that pregnancy imposes on women. Justice requires redistributing those burdens, through means both traditional and modern — holding men legally and financially responsible for all the children that they father and providing stronger financial and social support for motherhood at every stage.

But does this kind of justice for women require legal indifference to the claims of the unborn? Is it really necessary to found equality for one group of human beings on legal violence toward another, entirely voiceless group?

We have a certain amount of practical evidence that suggests the answer is no. Consider, for instance, that between the early 1980s and the later 2010s the abortion rate in the United States fell by more than half. The reasons for this decline are disputed, but it seems reasonable to assume that it reflects a mix of cultural change, increased contraception use and the effects of anti-abortion legal strategies, which have made abortion somewhat less available in many states, as pro-choice advocates often lament.

If there were an integral and unavoidable relationship between abortion and female equality, you would expect these declines — fewer abortions, diminished abortion access — to track with a general female retreat from education and the workplace. But no such thing has happened: Whether measured by educational attainment, managerial and professional positions, breadwinner status or even political office holding, the status of women has risen in the same America where the pro-life movement has (modestly) gained ground.

Of course, it’s always possible that female advancement would have been even more rapid, the equality of the sexes more fully and perfectly established, if the pro-life movement did not exist. Certainly in the individual female life trajectory, having an abortion rather than a baby can offer economic and educational advantages.

On a collective level, though, it’s also possible that the default to abortion as the solution to an unplanned pregnancy actually discourages other adaptations that would make American life friendlier to women. As Erika Bachiochi wrote recently in National Review, if our society assumes that “abortion is what enables women to participate in the workplace,” then corporations may prefer the abortion default to more substantial accommodations like flexible work schedules and better pay for part-time jobs — relying on the logic of abortion rights, in other words, as a reason not to adapt to the realities of childbearing and motherhood.

At the very least, I think an honest look at the patterns of the past four decades reveals a multitude of different ways to offer women greater opportunities, a multitude of paths to equality and dignity — a multitude of ways to be a feminist, in other words, that do not require yoking its idealistic vision to hundreds of thousands of acts of violence every year.

It’s also true, though, that nothing in all that multitude of policies will lift the irreducible burden of childbearing, the biological realities that simply cannot be redistributed to fathers, governments or adoptive parents. And here, too, a portion of the pro-choice argument is correct: The unique nature of pregnancy means that there has to be some limit on what state or society asks of women and some zone of privacy where the legal system fears to tread.

This is one reason the wisest anti-abortion legislation — and yes, pro-life legislation is not always wise — criminalizes the provision of abortion by third parties, rather than prosecuting the women who seek one. It’s why anti-abortion laws are rightly deemed invasive and abusive when they lead to the investigation of suspicious-seeming miscarriages. It’s why the general principle of legal protection for human life in utero may or must understandably give way in extreme cases, extreme burdens: the conception by rape, the life-threatening pregnancy.

At the same time, though, the pro-choice stress on the burden of the ordinary pregnancy can become detached from the way that actual human beings experience the world. In a famous thought experiment, the philosopher Judith Jarvis Thomson once analogized an unplanned pregnancy to waking up with a famous violinist hooked up to your body, who will die if he’s disconnected before nine months have passed. It’s a vivid science-fiction image but one that only distantly resembles the actual thing that it describes — a new life that usually exists because of a freely chosen sexual encounter, a reproductive experience that if material circumstances were changed might be desired and celebrated, a “disconnection” of the new life that cannot happen without lethal violence and a victim who is not some adult stranger but the woman’s child.

One can accept pro-choice logic, then, insofar as it demands a sphere of female privacy and warns constantly against the potential for abuse, without following that logic all the way to a general right to abort an unborn human life. Indeed, this is how most people approach similar arguments in other contexts. In the name of privacy and civil liberties we impose limits on how the justice system polices and imprisons, and we may celebrate activists who try to curb that system’s manifest abuses. But we don’t (with, yes, some anarchist exceptions) believe that we should remove all legal protections for people’s property or lives.

That removal of protection would be unjust no matter what its consequences, but in reality we know that those consequences would include more crime, more violence and more death. And the anti-abortion side can give the same answer when it’s asked why we can’t be content with doing all the other things that may reduce abortion rates and leaving legal protection out of it: Because while legal restrictions aren’t sufficient to end abortion, there really are a lot of unborn human lives they might protect.

Consider that when the State of Texas put into effect this year a ban on most abortions after about six weeks, the state’s abortions immediately fell by half. I think the Texas law, which tries to evade the requirements of Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey by using private lawsuits for enforcement, is vulnerable to obvious critiques and liable to be abused. It’s not a model I would ever cite for pro-life legislation.

But that immediate effect, that sharp drop in abortions, is why the pro-life movement makes legal protection its paramount goal.

According to researchers at the University of Texas at Austin, who surveyed the facilities that provide about 93 percent of all abortions in the state, there were 2,149 fewer legal abortions in Texas in the month the law went into effect than in the same month in 2020.

About half that number may end up still taking place, some estimates suggest, many of them in other states. But that still means that in a matter of months, more than a thousand human beings will exist as legal persons, rights-bearing Texans — despite still being helpless, unreasoning and utterly dependent — who would not have existed had this law not given them protection.

But, in fact, they exist already. They existed, at our mercy, all along.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.

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Opinion: The Milwaukee Bucks Made This Roster Move That The Brooklyn Nets Should Have - Sports Illustrated

According to ESPN's Adrian Wojnarowski the Milwaukee Bucks are going to sign DeMarcus Cousins (see tweets below and read article here). 

Cousins is a four-time All-Star, and while several injuries have derailed his once promising career, he is still an intriguing pickup for the defending NBA Champions. 

I believe that the Brooklyn Nets should have signed Cousins. 

Why should the Nets have signed Cousins?

The Nets are a team that is built around superstars, and aging veterans with experience. 

However, Blake Griffin and Paul Milsap (who relatively play the same position as Cousins) have been off to a poor start to the season. 

Griffin is 32-years-old and averaging just 5.5 points, 4.9 rebounds and 2.0 assists per game on 31.8% shooting from the field. 

Milsap hasn't been any better; the 36-year-old has averages of 2.9 points, 3.3 rebounds and shooting 34.9% from the field. 

Therefore, the Nets should have gone out and signed Cousins instead of the Bucks. 

If the Nets have any chance of a winning a title this season they will have to go through the Bucks (the team that beat them in the playoffs last season) and this move was a solid one for the Bucks. 

Cousins is low-risk, because if he doesn't work out they can waive him, but if he works out he has the potential to be a game-changer.

He's younger (31-years-old) than both Griffin and Milsap, and last season he averaged 8.9 points, 6.4 rebounds and 1.9 assists per game on 42.6% shooting from the field in 41 games with the Houston Rockets and Los Angeles Clippers. 

The move could end up being nothing, but there is also a chance the Bucks may have just gotten an absolute steal that the Nets should have gotten. 

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Opinion: The path to modernizing the appraisal process - HousingWire

Through all the transformative and disruptive changes that have occurred over the past two years, there is one common thread that has emerged. Regardless of the size or complexity of a system or process, it is time to look at whether the impact it has on people is equitable. All people. And the appraisal process is no exception.

After a summer filled with overwhelming demand and too little appraisal capacity, which increased loan costs and time to close, there is finally light appearing at the end of the tunnel. Recently, the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA) announced that desktop appraisals — which allow valuations to be remotely performed by utilizing public records like tax appraisals, listings and other digitized property information — first implemented as a temporary measure at the start of the pandemic, will become permanent beginning in early 2022.

Additionally, as directed by the Biden administration, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development last summer created the Property Appraisal Valuation Equity (PAVE) initiative and task force designed to fight valuation bias through consumer education and practitioner training, ensure that industry practices and government oversight promote valuation equity, prioritize high-quality data, and promote enforcement of anti-bias policies and legislation, including the Fair Housing Act.

These and other steps are sorely needed to bring the appraisal process in line with advances to digitize mortgages, utilizing technology to combat inconsistencies that continue to beleaguer the profession,  and reduce closing slowdowns often caused by appraisal capacity issues. The movement to embrace appraisal modernization techniques also holds the promise of removing the potential for racial bias, better supporting efforts to remove valuation gaps that persist in minority neighborhoods.

Consider that, per recent research by Freddie Mac, 12.5% of the properties in Black neighborhoods receive appraisal values lower than the contract price versus 7.4% for those in white neighborhoods, resulting in a gap of 5.2%. The appraisal gap for properties in Latino neighborhoods can be even worse, going as high as 9.4%. Continued digitization of the appraisal process takes us a step closer to understanding the key drivers of these gaps and to ensure there is consistency of approach in every neighborhood, every time.

There is a path to progress that is emerging in the near term. Now is the time for the industry to work quickly and better coordinate efforts, particularly in the following areas:

  • Enforcement and compliance. We need more science and less art. Data and compliance standards need to improve to more effectively identify valuation bias. The Appraisal Subcommittee must have greater direct oversight over individual states in order to ensure fair and consistent enforcement of appraisal behavior. And the Standards and Qualifications Boards also need greater diversity too, to eliminate blindspots and guarantee fairness for minorities in the profession. 
  • Advancing diversity and increasing opportunities in the appraiser workforce. The appraisal profession should resemble the communities in which they serve. Not only for the sake of building trust, but also to connect with a larger set of potential new appraisers. The greatest barrier to that today is the current supervisory model. Our industry must support and adopt solutions like the Practical Applications of Real Estate Appraisal (PAREA) and allow students to engage in simulated/virtual training programs in every state. Our industry must support appraisal diversity initiatives, recruit more minorities into the vocation, and increase incentives and opportunities for valuation professionals.
  • Reconsideration of Value (ROV) process. Borrowers should always have the opportunity for appraisals to be reconsidered in an unbiased fashion. We all need to support an ROV process that provides recourse to customers who have legitimate concerns about the reliability and credibility of a valuation, including claims of bias or discrimination and lack of confidence in appraiser dependence. All lenders and their agents, not just appraisal management companies, should be obligated to follow this process.
  • Policy, guidance and regulations. It is encouraging that the FHFA has decided to permanently allow desktop appraisals, and that is a good start. The agency would be well served to also adopt hybrid appraisals and inspection-only waiver policies as additional options to today’s GSE appraisal waivers. In addition, the industry must embrace modern appraisal practices that decrease subjective variance, increase independence from appraiser bias, and implement extra checks and balances via proven computer-driven models.

The modern appraisal movement is accelerating. And while there is no single product or change that will roll back the years of unequal policy and practice that have led us to this point in time, each action we take to increase consistency, grow and promote diversity, and embrace solutions that remove inequities take us a step closer to that possibility.  

Kenon Chen is executive vice president at Clear Capital.

This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of HousingWire’s editorial department and its owners.

To contact the author of this story:
Kenon Chen at kenon.chen@clearcapital.com.

To contact the editor responsible for this story:
Sarah Wheeler at swheeler@housingwire.com

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The Game Of The Year Awards Discourse Is Less Toxic Than The Ballon d'Or - TheGamer

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Lionel Messi, one of the greatest football players of all time, was recently awarded his seventh Ballon d'Or. This puts him two ahead of his nearest rival Cristiano Ronaldo - nearest in the sense of most Ballons d'Or and in terms of critical comparison. Their respective careers are both coming to a close, and when they do, both will be considered not amongst their fellow contemporaries, but against the eternal icons of Pele, Maradona, and Cruyff. They have won countless trophies, dragged their teams to league summits and cup final victories, smashed goal scoring records, and generally made every other player of their era look extremely ordinary. On the other hand, Peo Pessi is a fraud, so I guess none of that matters.

If you're sick of Game of the Year discourse, check out Ballon d'Or discourse for a moment, and you'll be desperate to dive back in and listen to how Returnal's 85 on Metacritic is the greatest injustice in the history of mankind, and how it's yet more evidence that the game journalist cabal hates Sony, are SJW cucks, and are rubbish at video games. 85? It's clearly an 87, you fools!

Related: Does It Matter If Good Games Have No New Ideas?As part of my job, I spend a lot of time online, interacting with and observing video game communities. Some of the statements you see are absolutely wild. I've seen people arguing that Kena: Bridge of Spirits is an underrated masterpiece. Come on, now. It's only been out for a couple of months, it reviewed well, and it plays like a very nice PS2 game. One of the major changes in online discussion in the YouTube era has been anti-journalism sentiment, where everyone but that one YouTuber you like is lying to you. But another issue has been the forced positivity. There are a lot of content creators out there on YouTube who are independent of any site or established org who work very hard at what they do - but too many others are hype about everything, and that devalues the discussion around games.

Kena Explores Nature With Her Companion

Kena is not an underrated masterpiece. It's a decent game. I gave it a four out of five and I stand by it, it's fine. But it's not an underrated masterpiece. And don't start with "well it's just someone's opinion" - I don't respect someone who claims a game that released two months ago and did fine is an underrated masterpiece. What they mean is "I enjoyed it," and that's fine. But it's not the 'Which Games Out Of The Seven You've Played This Year Did You Personally Enjoy The Most Awards'. I don't want to single Kena out, far too many games are discussed in the same, hyperbolic way. People have started booting holes in their tellys because Forza Horizon 5 isn't up for Game of the Year. This is a game that a) came out roughly eight minutes before the votes closed and b) is about driving cars around.

I don't think the GOTY noms are spectacular - I've already written that I feel 2021 has been a relatively barren year for games, and its surprising to see The Artful Escape, a game all about art and music, be recognised the art and music categories but not even make the cut for Best Indie. Meanwhile, I endorse our own Eric Switzer's view that The Forgotten City deserved better. I don't think there's anything wrong with having a different opinion. But the lack of nuance these opinions often have, and the inability to discuss them beyond "Here's what I think, don't care if you disagree it's just my opinion bro," is exhausting.

I guess you could say Pwelve Pinutes is the Pason Pount of The Game Awards, although if you believe everything you read online, maybe Peymar is a better fit. [Editor's Note: 12-year olds on Twitter like to replace the first letters of footballers' names with 'P' for comedy value. It started as a joke about reliance on penalties. It wasn't really funny then, either].

Finding out who the monster is in Twelve Minutes

I do not enjoy the forced, extreme positivity with which every game is discussed these days, but at least it's better than the negativity around the Ballon d'Or. Every player up for the award is a fraud. I don't think Jorginho is the third best player in the world, but as a key member of the Champions League winners and Euro 2020 winners, I don't think there's any harm in giving him recognition. I certainly don't think Porginho is a bald fraud, especially given that he's not bald. This is a thing football Twitter is obsessed with - everyone you don't like is a fraud. No idea what it means. Is Jorginho just three Italian children stuffed into an oversized Chelsea shirt? Personally, I think Robert Lewandowski should have two Ballons d'Or by now, and Franck Ribery deserved one even when Messi and Ronaldo were at their height, but I don't think that makes Messi, one of the greatest ever to do it, a fraud.

It's nonsense. At least, hyperbolic as it is, when gamers talk about games they're falling over themselves to hype their favourites up. Sure, "X game is trash" is common, and so the banal "Xbot/Sony Pony" patter, but mostly people talk about what they love. In football, even amongst weirdos who support individual players rather than football teams, everyone is obsessed with dragging other people down.

Gaming discourse driven by influencers is still far too positive for me, and when you think everything is great that's a clear sign that you lack critical thinking skills. Still, I'd rather that than "Peathloop is a fraud" over and over again. "Reps Returnal, thinks they know ball." Get in the bin. Come back, Sony Soldier. All is forgiven.

Next: House Of Gucci Made Me Feel Like I Was Having Sex With Lady Gaga And I Hated It

Off road cars in forza with the trans flag in the background
"I Quit The Game Immediately": Trans Players Respond To Forza Horizon 5's Deadnaming

Forza Horizon 5 addresses you by the name on your Microsoft account, but for some trans players, that has unexpected consequences.

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Opinion: What to expect from marketing in 2022 - Springfield Business Journal

Marketing strategy and best practices have been changing wildly over the last couple of years. However, it’s a change that has been a long time coming. This change is accelerating the shift toward basing marketing on timeless principles rather than the newest, shiny tactics.

There has long been a dividing line between lead generation and branding. Direct response marketing has been the clear way to get results, as all of the modern attribution-tracking software will show you. If you want to grow, run some ads to a landing page and split-test everything so you know how to get more sales.

Warning: The next statement will be polarizing. Direct response marketing has done more harm than good.

I’m a Google Ads expert. The guys who wrote the best-selling internet marketing book of all time send me their toughest cases. I love ads and I have nothing against them, but the days of relying on Google Ads or Facebook ads to grow your business are over.

Can ads help you grow? Absolutely. The problem comes when you design your growth strategy around channels rather than customers.

The same can be said for SEO, social media, influencer marketing, outbound sales, email marketing, traditional advertising, account-based sales, content marketing or any other channel. These are all useful, but they aren’t where you should be focusing.

2022 focus
You should be focusing on spending time with your top customer segments, understanding how their life changes from the time they realize they want something to the time when they seek to satisfy that want. Stop designing your marketing and growth strategy around how you do business and around best practices for each channel and design a marketing strategy that aligns with how people actually live their lives.

People know how to research their problems. They know how to look at all of the possible solutions and weigh the best options for them and their situation. In fact, a lot of customers know more than the marketers who are trying to get them to buy things. In those cases, you get a marketer trying to convince a well-educated buyer to believe something they know isn’t true. Marketing has gone downhill because marketers are trying to sell, not market.

The best marketers of the future will be the ones who recognize that leads don’t increase because you’re spending more money trying to convince people to buy. They’ll recognize that you can’t convince people to buy at all –  that you can only influence and harness market demand, not create it.

The best marketers will be those who understand the customers best, not by guessing, but by spending time with them and seeking to understand them and their journey better than anyone else.

Marketing outlook
The future of marketing is about building relationships and showing that you care. It’s about humans connecting with humans. All of the channels I mentioned earlier have a place, but they should all serve as a piece of a comprehensive growth strategy, not as a stand-alone lead source.

Additionally, trust your customers. A lot of marketers aren’t gating their content anymore, trusting that people will come back even if they’re not bombarded with a drip sequence. Customers know how to buy without being led through your funnel.

The single most important thing you can do to improve your marketing is identify your ideal prospect and then meet and talk to as many of them as possible with the intent to understand them, not to sell to them. When you find out that every customer journey involves complex and “untrackable” actions, you’ll then need to stop doing only those things that drive directly trackable revenue.

To really grow, you’ll need to connect to your market and provide value before they’re ready to buy. You’ll need to trust that they’re not ignorant sheep and can find the information they need, and you’ll need to be the one who understands them and provides that information for them. You’ll need to stop focusing only on revenue and the actions that directly affect it and broaden your scope to see the directions that lead to greater revenue down the road.

The marketers that win in the future will be the ones who focus on the long game instead of trying to grow more quickly. They’ll invest in relationships, in-person, virtual and digital, and they’ll be valuable to their customers before they’re ready to buy, when they’re ready, and after they’ve bought.

Focus on building relationships at scale, provide value, track what you can and trust the process even when you can’t track everything.

Ryan Baker is the founder of Kingly Consulting. He’s a certified Google Ads specialist and the author of “The Market Journey Path: How to Demolish Growth Barriers & Build Lasting Success.” He can be reached at ryan@kinglyconsulting.com.

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Our opinion: Placing focus on hurtful actions | News, Sports, Jobs - timesobserver.com

Discussion last week amongst Warren County School Board members of possible censoring of students’ language missed a bigger point — how the words are being used.

Mike Kiehl, transportation manager, said he needs cameras on schoool buses because of the number of incidents and severity of incidents on district buses. Principals have reported to district officials an increasing number of discipline problems.

It’s a bit disappointing, then, to see the discussion focus on “Let’s Go Brandon” and the wearing of Make America Great Again gear.

The issue isn’t so much the words as how they are being used — and teachers and principals say they’re being used not as jokes but as ways for students to bully each other.

So let’s redirect the spotlight from the words being used to the issue that deserves attention — students bullying each other.

It’s in that regard where board member Paul Mangione made the most cogent point from last week’s meeting.

It is up to parents to instill in their children the switch where children who believe different things, who look different, who behave differently or whose families have different political views to coexist in small rooms 180 days out of the year.

Schoolchildren didn’t just happen upon this behavior. It came from the parents. And it’s time for the parents to put a stop to it.

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What's your opinion of the Rittenhouse verdicts? | Opinion | bhpioneer.com - Black Hills Pioneer

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What's your opinion of the Rittenhouse verdicts? | Opinion | bhpioneer.com  Black Hills Pioneer

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Opinion | Bruce Butler: Waukesha was no accident - Summit Daily News

Tune into any of the hundreds of media platforms and there is no shortage of stories that document tragedy and the decline of law and order in modern American culture. We have all become somewhat numb to the news, and of course, we all filter the news through our desired outcomes and political biases. Despite our somewhat self-protective inoculation from bad news, every so often, a story emerges that shakes us to the core. One such story for me was the needless slaughter of innocent lives at last week’s Christmas parade in Waukesha, Wisconsin.

The horror of watching a driver speed through a parade with wanton disregard for life needs no explanation, but I think it really impacted me because I can clearly visualize the various perspectives of the parade participants and attendees. I can picture the 4-H kids on horseback. I can picture the young kids pushing forward to get an ice pop. I can picture fellow Rotarians selling car raffle tickets along the parade route. I can see my young daughter’s face smiling at the pure fun and joy of the moment. Attention is focused forward. People are not alert for speeding vehicles rushing down the thin line between the parade and the spectators. Fortunately, I cannot comprehend the terror of frantically searching for my daughter, my wife, my parents or my friends and neighbors among the injured and broken bodies along the parade route.

Prior to moving to Summit County, I lived in or just outside of major cities all my life. My wife and I moved to Summit County, in part, because we did not want to raise a family in a city. At approximately 72,000 population, some would say Waukesha is more of a city than a small town, but the reality is that Waukesha is Anytown U.S.A. The middle school band and the Dancing Grannies were just innocent people having fun with their friends and families.



When some inexplicably appalling event happens, there seems to be no shortage of politicians and virtue-signaling news commentators who must reflexively advocate for some new “cure-all” remedy to ensure an equivalent moral outrage never happens again. Interesting enough, I am not hearing those sentiments from many of the same in this case, perhaps because the root cause of this depraved act of inhumanity lies squarely at the feet of leftist prosecutors who have chosen to decriminalize criminal behavior, ignore rap sheets longer than Colfax Avenue and bestow misplaced sympathy on recidivist criminals over the safety of law-abiding citizens. The perpetrator in Waukesha should never have been released a week earlier on $1,000 bail after trying to murder the mother of one of his children by running her over with the same vehicle!

Simultaneously, I see news feeds of social-media-coordinated, smash-and-grab flash mob theft at malls and retailers across the United States, especially in the San Francisco area. I am watching vapid politicians like U.S. Rep. Rashida Tlaib propose legislation to empty all federal prisons in 10 years , likely one of the top 10 dumbest bills to be introduced in U.S. history!



I am not suggesting that some reasonable bail reform or circumstantial sentencing flexibility are unjustified, nor am I suggesting that every offender should be incarcerated. I do not think history repeats itself, rather it is somewhat cyclical or more like a pendulum: It moves left and right but does not stop on center. Three strikes and you’re out (in prison) and mandatory minimum sentencing were public reactions to prosecutors and judges exercising negligent judgment and failing to protect crime victims and the general public.

Fortunately, in Summit County we have not seen smash-and-grab robberies, and the murder rates of Chicago, New York and elsewhere seem distant and surreal. My fear is that cities throughout history have dictated the rise and fall of culture and countries. Our major cities are failing. The corruption of the cities eventually spreads to the rest of the country, not vise-versa. It is time to stand up for regular people and real community justice. Families in Waukesha would not be mourning their losses and burying their dead if commonsense rule of law had been followed.

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Opinion | Why A 'Sister Souljah Moment' Won't Save Biden - POLITICO

Joe Biden needs a “Sister Souljah Moment.” At least, that’s according to the quickly congealing conventional wisdom in Washington. That is, Biden and Democrats are in dire danger of losing control of Congress next year, and the one thing that could save them would be by bashing someone to Biden’s left on matters of race.

The latest call came from Max Boot at the Washington Post, but he’s hardly the only columnist to make such a plea. Earlier this month, Kyle Smith at National Review called upon Biden to denounce critical race theory as a Sister Souljah Moment. Jacob Heilbrunn at National Interest made the same request. George Will urged Biden to have a Sister Souljah Moment back in August of 2020 to distance himself and his party from the “Defund the Police” crowd. Mostly, these calls are coming from conservative anti-Trump voices, seeking to make Biden and Democrats more conservative on race and, theoretically, more acceptable to the general population.

It seems to be an article of faith that this sort of tactic is a crucial one for Democrats, particularly as the party appears to find itself on the backfoot in the culture war. But the polling evidence suggests no such thing. In fact, the move could backfire on Biden by alienating a core part of his base.

For those too young to remember, Sister Souljah was briefly a famous hip-hop star and activist who gave an interview shortly after the LA riots of 1992 in which she suggested violence against white people. Rev. Jesse Jackson then invited her to speak at a Rainbow Coalition event. Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton, then running for president, spoke at the same event the following night, and used the opportunity to harshly criticize both Souljah and Jackson, she for her racism and he for giving her views a platform.

The context of all this was that many Democrats, by 1992, had decided their party had lost the three previous presidential elections in part because of the perception that it was too much in the thrall of “special interests” generally and Jesse Jackson and Black civil rights activists specifically.

The party has a long history of both advocating for civil rights and then blaming that advocacy for its losses; prominent voices within the Democratic coalition have frequently warned that promoting the needs of Black Americans would harm the party’s prospects. Clinton’s maneuver was seen as a way to demonstrate his and his party’s rightward shift in a ploy for electability. As Perry Bacon, Jr. noted recently, Clinton’s speech and later actions “were intended to signal to white voters that Democrats, like Republicans, viewed some of America’s racial inequalities as rooted in self-inflicted problems in Black communities, as opposed to discriminatory policies and systemic racism.”

It is striking the degree to which the Sister Souljah Moment has been accepted as a viable and reliable strategy for white Democratic politicians. As with many electoral narratives, it is rarely tested with hard evidence. But if we actually look at Clinton’s polling surrounding the events as they happened, it’s difficult to perceive a Souljah effect.

Trial-heat polls from the summer of 1992 show a rather complex and dynamic political environment. Clinton clinched the Democratic nomination at the beginning of June. Souljah spoke at the Rainbow Coalition event on June 13th, and Clinton gave his speech condemning her the next day. Clinton named Al Gore as his running mate at the beginning of July, and the Democratic Convention was held in mid-July. Further complicating things was the quixotic third-party candidacy of Ross Perot. The independent businessman was at the height of his popularity in June, actually leading the presidential field for several weeks. However, thanks to increased media scrutiny, his popularity faded, and he withdrew from the race (temporarily, it turned out) in mid-July. Teasing out the consequences of a single episode is therefore difficult, but some conclusions can be drawn.

The trend, shown in the chart, suggests that Clinton became slightly more popular at the end of June. Is that because he criticized Souljah? Possibly. Is it because Perot’s popularity was waning? Probably. Are we talking about pretty modest changes anyway? Definitely.

Clinton would go on to become much more popular in July after Perot’s withdrawal, and with the unifying message of a successful Democratic convention, he pulled into the polling lead in mid-July and never lost that lead for the remainder of the contest. Clinton went on to defeat Bush by 6 points in the popular vote.

How did Clinton succeed where Jimmy Carter, Walter Mondale and Mike Dukakis failed before him? Well in large part, it was the economy, stupid. Carter was blamed for a brutal recession and high inflation in 1980; Mondale was trying to unseat incumbent Ronald Reagan during a record boom in 1984; and Dukakis sought to unmoor the Republicans during the solid growth year of 1988. By contrast, the 1992 economy was shaky, still emerging from a sharp recession the previous year, and the media coverage of the economy was relentlessly negative throughout 1992.

Is it possible that Clinton got some help on Election Day from his bashing of Souljah five months earlier? It’s possible, but unlikely. Campaign effects just generally don’t last that long. It was a very old story by then, and it’s hard to even discern much of an effect when the story was fresh. Polling that year shows that voters were more likely to trust Clinton on issues related to racial politics, but that was true prior to the Souljah moment, as well.

So why is it important to interrogate this piece of political lore three decades later? Because clearly many opinion leaders take it as an article of faith that a Democratic president can make himself more popular by bashing advocates for racial justice. The evidence doesn’t really support this, but they make the argument anyway.

Boot is right that the stakes are very high right now for both the Democrats and for American democracy in general. However, it’s far from clear that Democrats would gain anything by slamming a Black Lives Matter activist or trashing adherents of critical race theory. Indeed it would only signal to Black people within the party that their leadership considers them expendable when times get tough.

In midterm elections, turnout typically suffers among key Democratic constituencies like people of color and young voters. Biden symbolically casting aside people of color would probably only add to that problem — particularly if it’s just taking a page from 1990s punditry that may not have actually worked in the first place.

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What The Democrats Don't Get | Opinion - Newsweek

Day by day, President Joe Biden grows more unpopular. His approval rating coming into office was north of 50 percent. According to a USA Today/Suffolk poll released earlier this month, it's now at 38 percent. Yet congressional Democrats are willing to throw their seats away in the next election by sticking with his program.

In a rational world, the collapse in Biden's approval rating—and of Vice President Kamala Harris, who's at 28 percent, according to the USA Today/Suffolk poll—would send a signal to Capitol Hill that its current occupants need a course correction. It hasn't because today's Democrats don't understand politics any more than they understand economics.

Biden's decision Tuesday to release 50 million barrels from the U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve is a perfect illustration. This administration has made several decisions throughout its tenure that make it harder to take advantage of the nation's indigenous energy resources. America was a net exporter of oil when Biden entered the White House. Now it's dependent once again on imports.

That's driving up the price at the pump. A rational person would read that fact as a signal that we need a dependable increase in supply. "Drill baby drill," if you will. Instead, the president is injecting a dose of crude into the marketplace in an amount so small it will not make a difference in the price. And, even if it does manage to bring the price down by a penny or two, it will probably last for less than a week.

What the Democrats don't get is that their ideas just don't work. Socialist regimes cling to power by tyrannical, totalitarian means—but as a way to organize an economy, socialism has failed in every place it's been tried.

Somehow the leaders of the modern Democratic Party can't seem to figure this out. They'd be happy to extend indefinitely the unemployment payments they increased during the lockdowns the government imposed in the hopes of slowing the spread of COVID.

Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer
WASHINGTON, DC - NOVEMBER 17: (L-R) Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) leave a news conference with House Democrats about the Build Back Better legislation, outside of the U.S. Capitol on November 17, 2021 in Washington, DC. The lawmakers spoke about the $555 billion in the bill aimed at climate issues and clean energy investments. Drew Angerer/Getty Images

There would not be enough space in this column to list every example of the Democrats' distorted thinking. But the American people are waking up to the reality of the Biden presidency. If the Democrats want to survive as a political party that can win national elections, they'd be well-advised to make a change now.

If they don't, they run the risk of descending into irrelevancy outside of a few states and major cities. Even there, though, the failure of their agenda is gaining notice. People are moving away from Chicago and New York and Los Angeles because—except for the Riordan years in L.A. and the Giuliani-Bloomberg decade in New York—Democrats are still trying public policy prescriptions that didn't work in the 1960s, '70s, '80s and '90s are still being tried. Now that Democrats are trying those ideas on a bigger scale, they still don't work. And they've added brilliant new wrinkles into the mix—like defunding the police abolishing the pre-trial detention of criminal suspects.

You wouldn't accept from your doctor the kind of results Chicago schools routinely offer parents regarding the education of their kids. You couldn't. You'd be dead. Meanwhile, the city's Democratic leaders continue to resist any alternative that could generate improvement, like expanded school choice.

The nation is split, badly, in many ways. These divides don't just separate people according to race or income levels but by faith, by location and even by the way they understand the meaning of the American experiment. To many, including the big-government socialists who run the party today, it's not worth saving. They believe it was compromised from the beginning and should be tossed out on the ash heap of history.

Fortunately, many others—including likely a majority of America's 330 million people—believe the country's best days are still ahead. While hardly perfect, if we work together, we can make things better for everyone.

That's a message that starting to resonate with the electorate. Real reform is coming where it's needed from the Republicans who, while hardly perfect, are nonetheless making considerable strides. Note the number of elected officials now on the scene who are something other than elite, middle-aged, upper- or upper-middle-class white Protestant men.

The incoming Virginia lieutenant governor is a black woman. The new attorney general who will serve alongside her is the son of Cuban refugees. The most powerful Democrat in New Jersey—Senate President Steve Sweeney—lost his seat to a truck driver who spent just $2,300 on his campaign. The winds of change are beginning to blow. The challenge for the GOP now is to develop a meaningful plan to create that change around which it can build back better a consensus supporting its efforts to lead the nation out of its doldrums and on to better things.

Newsweek contributing editor Peter Roff has written extensively about politics and the American experience for U.S. News and World Report, United Press International, and other publications. He can be reached by email at RoffColumns@gmail.com. Follow him on Twitter @PeterRoff

The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.

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